Karnataka Ministers’ Assets Grow 665 Per Cent

statesman news service

BANGALORE, 4 APRIL: The average assets of a minister in Karnataka increased by 665 per cent at Rs 6.96 crore between 2004 and 2008.

This has been revealed by the Association of Democratic Reforms and National Election Watch bodies comprising over 1,200 non government organisations and other citizen-led organisations. The findings follow analysis of 24 ministers’ assets from a batch of 27.

The results are based on the affidavits filed by them during the 2004 and 2008 elections. The progress between 2008 and 2013 would be known after they file their papers before contesting the 5 May Assembly polls.

According to Mr Tirlochan Shastri, member ADR, the exercise is part of an effort to educate the voters on bringing about  better governance and  cleaner elections This is being done under the Karnataka Election Watch, a non-political body which is plumbing for making the elections fair and transparent.

He told newsmen here that ADR’s analysis also revealed that 18 out of the 24 ministers whose assets were studied were crorepatis. This is not all. About 61 per cent or 131 out of 215 legislators whose details were examined turned out to be crorepatis in 2008.

In fact, BJP legislator from Vijaynagara constituency in Bellary–Hospet belt, Mr Anand Singh, topped the list with his wealth pegged at Rs 88 crore  followed by Mr V Somanna who accounted for Rs 11 crore and Mr A Asnotikar  a close third at Rs 10.4 crore. All of them were ministers in the BJP government.

Responding to queries, the ADR members explained that the average asset per MLA in Karnataka Assembly in 2008 was Rs 5.98 crore, at least  in the case of 214 out of the 224 legislators. Against this ,in 2004,   the average possession of  about 186  legislators  stood at Rs 1.29 crore.

Interestingly, the Karnataka MLA's average assets, at Rs 5.98 crore, were  the highest in comparison to his counterparts from the southern region. The Tamil Nadu legislator’s average assets, for example, in 2011 stood at Rs 3.98 crore and that of the Andhra Pradesh MLA’s at Rs 3.98 crore. The Kerala legislator, in turn, proved to be a poor cousin in that his average possession  in 2011 did not exceed Rs 1.43 crore.

Personal wealth and possessions apart,  the NEW found that  42 per cent ,or ten of the 24 ministers who were investigated, had “self-declared" criminal cases against them.

This information was based on the affidavits that they had submitted to the Election Commission before the 2008 elections. Further, two others had declared that there were serious charges of murder, attempt to murder, kidnapping and theft against them.

Source: The Statesman, 5 April 2013

http://www.thestatesman.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=450528&catid=36 

Vedanta’s $5.69 m donations

New Delhi, 26 Aug: Mining group Vedanta Resources paid $ 5.69 million (about Rs 28 crore) to political parties in India in last three years. Without disclosing the beneficiaries, billionaire Mr Anil Agarwal-promoted Vedanta in its annual report for 2011-12 stated that it paid $2.01 million to political parties in 2011-12. This donation was, however, lower than $ 3.66 million it had paid in 2009-10, when last general elections were held in the country. A company spokesperson did not reply to the queries. According to its annual reports, Vedanta has paid  $8.29 million to the political parties since 2003-04, when it got listed London Stock Exchange. However, it did not make a single donation for three years between 2006-07 to 2008-09.  pti

Source: The Statesman 27 August
http://thestatesman.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=421312&catid=36

More tainted legislators make it to House

[If you have slightest faith over the Indian parliament, then it would be suffice to mention that individuals with criminal records have made more than one fourth of the total members of fifteenth Indian parliament. According to mainstream belief members are supposed to represent people. Now, we like to ask, they are representing whom? Is it the Indian people or the enemies of India whom they represent? And, if rest three fourth of the members of parliament not having any registered criminal records, feel comfortable to work in unison with them in parliament, then what is the character of Indian parliament? Is it pro-people or a mere instrument to make Indian people fool?

We are publishing a report from the Statesman, 18 May 2009 on criminal records of the members of Indian parliament.]

Statesman News Service

NEW DELHI, 17 MAY: Though 964 MPs with criminal background lost the 2009 general elections, the overall picture of the new Lok Sabha (parliament) is no better than the last one. The total number of members with criminal background has gone up by 17 per cent compared to the last House. While in the 14th LS, there were 128 MPs with criminal records this time it has increased to 150. The same is the case of MPs with serious criminal records. In 2004 Parliament had 55 MPs with serious criminal records, this time it has gone up to 72. The BJP tops the list of MPs with criminal charges. Of its 116 elected members, 42 are booked under criminal charges. The Congress has 41 MPs with criminal charges out of a total of 205 MPs, followed by SP 8, SHS 8, JD (U) 7, BSP 6, and four each in BJD, AITC and NCP. State wise, It is Uttar Pradesh which tops the list of MPs with criminal backgrounds. The state has 30 MPs with criminal records, Maharashtra has 23 followed by Bihar 17, 11 each in Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat, Karnataka 7, seven each in West Bengal and Tamil Nadu, six each in Jharkhand and Kerala, five in Orissa and 4 in MP.

Spurce: The Statesman, 18 May 2009

http://www.thestatesman.net/page.arcview.php?date=2009-05-18&usrsess=1&clid=2&id=287468

Call of May Day

[We have received a leaflet of Sangrami Sramik Sangathan (Struggling Workers' Organization). It is of significance in current context towards building and forwarding class struggle in favour of toiling masses. We are publishing it.]

Liberation does not come with election--but, only through REVOLUTION

Friends and Comrades,

International labour day, the May Day of this year is a matter of days to come. Let us hail the struggle of 1986 of Chicago’s Hay Market that is written in blood in the history; pay our homage to the martyrs of May Day. Every year working class and exploited, downtrodden and toiling masses of the whole world celebrate May Day as the day to organize themselves against exploitation and repression; and to flare themselves to build struggle with full enthusiasm. We do swear that we will move ahead following the lessons of May Day.

Meanwhile, in India, 15th parliamentary election is under the way. Starting from 15th April, it will continue till 13th May in five phases. The market of electoral politics is hot now. The election is being held in a time when whole capitalist world including US, Europe and Japan is under great depression or crisis. The production is on the verge of collapse; banking system is at stake; millions of people are the victims of job cut. Capitalism is stagnant world-wide.

In our country thousands of factories have been closed since long. Now, Special Economic Zones (SEZs) are being constructed for the interest of MNCs and big comprador capitalists. Hailing it as development and industrialization the apologists of electoral politics are shouting a lot.

Our India is an agro-economy-centric country with large population. Our agricultural production is still backward. Has capitalist investment that has happened in capitalist country, taken place in India? Whatever 'high yielding' seeds, fertilizers, pesticides and agro-machines are being used, have been used for the sake of imperialist exploitation through MNCs. In reality, large backward rural areas and its great population is sunk under extreme poverty. The basic needs, namely food, clothing, shelter, education and health care are not secured in their lives.

Then what type of development has been taken place from 1947 to 2009? In simple words, our beloved India remains as the land under severe imperialist exploitation. It is not justified to call India as independent. Whomever we cast our votes, whoever gets elected in election—cannot make us free from imperialist chains.

Parliamentary parties are the running dogs of imperialism. The say "Casting vote is the democratic right". On the other hand, in the current system usury, hoarding etc. prevail; that means feudalism in different forms exists in our society. Therefore, voices are becoming louder at different corners supporting the call "Election boycott is a democratic right".

The backward rural India has to take the path of true development which is productive in true sense. The purchasing power of millions of Indian has to be increased. Then, there will be no hurdle towards the industrialization as it will be to satisfy the need of 100 crore (one billion) people. Under the circumstances, all closed factories could be opened again; crores (Millions) of youth will get job in their hands.

True development and industrialization could take place through the efforts of workers-peasantry and toiling masses under the leadership of working class following the abolition of feudalism-imperialism. And for the establishment of new democratic society with socialist orientation, the agrarian revolutionary struggles of Andhra-Bihar-Dandakaranya-Jharkhand and West Bengal’s Bankura-Purilia-West Midnapur and Sundarban have been moving fast passing over many turns and cross-roads.

Let us grasp the path of agrarian revolution throwing away the illusion of parliamentary politics; let us take side with the peasant-struggles of Lalgarh and Nandigram. Let us raise our voice to start production in all closed factories at the earliest. Let us build unity and resistance against job cut and low wage; continue the struggle for eight hours working day; raise our voice against excessive work-load. In different corners, let us build up Sangrami Sramik Sangathan (Struggling Workers' Organization). Let us drive out treacherous trade union leadership from political arena; snatch the great red flag of May Day from traitors.

With struggling greetings,
Sangrami Sramik Sangathan
(Struggling Workers' Union)
10 April 2009

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Published by Com. Biren Sarkar on Behalf of Kolkata-North 24 PGS Industrial Area Committee of Sangrami Sramik Sangathan.

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Do Indian People Have Faith On Indian Parliament?

The fifteenth parliamentary election has started. In the first phase ~60% voting was observed. In last 14 parliamentary elections the highest voting percentage was observed in 1984 and that was only 63.56%. In the last election, held on 2004 only 53% citizen casted their vote. Does it mean something? It simply means that Indian people are not actually integrated with the parliamentary system leaving almost half of Indian outside of it.

We have shown in our previous posts how the parliamentary parties manage their funds—mostly from the big companies and how many facilities a Member of Parliament enjoys. At the same time, we are fully aware that keeping people in dark the government very often takes decision, which are harmful to common people. Sometimes it does not even care to sick approval from parliament. The Indian parliament does not work in favour of people, does not keen to protect the national interest.

In the daily life, people feel that there is not a single parliamentary party which can bring change in the lives of common people. The election is just a matter of putting some individuals in power, who will enjoy bonanza for the next five years and then rest of their lives—even the wealth they accumulate in five years could be sufficient to maintain their next generations. So, form their experiences, the people feel reluctant to visit the polling booths.

Then what will be the task of progressive-democratic people of India? Should they take part in propaganda to inspire people to cast their vote? Or, to expose the character of Indian parliament which in turn increase apathy towards parliament among people?

Let us discuss this issue. Many people in the progressive-democratic camp, who do not believe that any fundamental change could be brought through election, believe that people should take part in election as it makes them politically conscious. The fallacy of this argument actually lies in the hidden proposition that only through the electoral campaign political consciousness comes. In contrast, political conscious actually comes only through the exposure of character of political economy of the society, character of state and through the understanding of the socio-economic foundation of the society. It is important to grasp conceptually that pressing a button in electronic voting machine (EVM) is actually not the democracy at all. Democracy means a system which serves the interest of majority. While government, irrespective of the parties it constitute, always takes decision in favour of MNCs-Big companies and feudal lords, pressing bottom in EVM actually mockery to democracy. The important decisions like petroleum price hiking, tax exemption to big companies, acquisition of land from farmers, opening of the national market to MNCs are not taken with the consent of people. Rather, the electoral victory of a particular party is used to make the people understand that the majority of people gave their consent towards these policies. Interestingly, it has been found that in the last parliamentary election, the Congress, the big brother of UPA government, secured a meager 26.53 % of casted vote. It shows that the government actually represents only a small fraction of people. Moreover, just to secure that support it has to spend huge amount of money.
Therefore, the task of the progressive-democratic-conscious people of India is to expose the reactionary, anti-people character of Indian parliament; how it has been used by the MNCs-big companies and feudal forces to make people fool—serving for minority in the name of majority.
Actually the bourgeoisie parliament is the political superstructure of independent capitalist system. In India, the parliamentary superstructure has been imposed while keeping its neo-colonial-semi-colonial-semi-feudal foundation intact. Therefore, there is a mismatch and this mismatch is being reflected in the apathy of Indian people towards parliamentary election. Under the circumstances, the task of progressive-democratic camp of India is not to raise the flag of Indian parliament, not to encourage people for the parliamentary election, but to expose its true character and to support the efforts of Indian people to abolish feudalist and imperialist exploitation. Only through the accomplishment of the victory of new-democratic revolution, which is anti-feudal and anti-imperialist in character, democracy in true sense can be established in India.
There is no short-cut rode to it.

Salary and Facilities of member of Indian Parliament

On paper, the salary of an MP in India is Rs 144,000 per year (about $3,200), which works out to just Rs 12,000 (about $266) per month.
But it is meagre only if you don't consider the numerous allowances and freebies an MP is entitled to. Here is a look at the allowances and perks that every MP -- India has 790 of them -- enjoys.

Each Indian MP gets:

Rs 14,000 (about $311) for office expenses every month, which includes Rs 3,000 for stationary items, Rs 1,000 on franking of letters and Rs 10,000 for secretariat services.
A monthly constituency allowance of Rs 10,000.
A daily allowance of Rs 500 when Parliament is in session. Parliament has three sessions every year. The Budget Session (February to May), Monsoon session (July to September), and Winter session (November and December).
A daily travel allowance of Rs 8 per kilometre.
Each MP and his spouse or companion are entitled to unlimited, free, first class railway travel anywhere in the country.
They can also travel anywhere in India -- with a spouse or companion -- 40 times by air free of cost every year, business class.
An MP gets a sprawling bungalow in the heart of New Delhi for which he pays a rent of just Rs 2,000 (about $44) per month.
Each MP gets near-free electricity of 50,000 units every year. And free water.
The MP's bungalow is furnished -- with air conditioners, refrigerators and television sets -- free of cost. Maintenance of the house -- including washing of sofa covers and curtains -- is done free of cost by the government.
MPs are entitled to three phone lines and 170,000 free local calls every year.
When an MP travels abroad officially, he is entitled to free business class air tickets. He is also paid a daily travelling allowance, which varies depending upon the country being visited.
Most medical expenses of MPs are taken care of by the Contributory Health Service Scheme of the Union government.
Each MP also gets Rs 20 million (about $434,782) each year from the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Fund. But the MP does not get the money directly. Instead, it is transferred to respective district headquarters where projects are being implemented.
After an MP completes a term in office, he is entitled to pension. The basic monthly pension amount is Rs 3,000 (about $66). But it goes up according to the number of years an MP has served in Parliament.
The Comptroller and Auditor General of India last year alleged that many MPs have violated norms in the usage of this money.

Source: http://in.rediff.com/election/2004/mar/30espec.htm

The Ugly Face of Indian Parliament

[This news was published in the Statesman (13 March 2009) under the title "Meltdown plays party pooper". It describes how the Indian parliamentary parties build their funds and select their electoral candidates. The candidates are selected mostly either on the basis of their money power or their higher position in social strata or both. Obviously, these candidates when become the "people's representative" show commitment to the interest of himself first, ignoring the interest of common Indian people. And no wonder, to get a reasonable amplification of the money they invested in election, they use to get involved in so many businesses which are dirty. These actually include providing support or giving consent to the requirements and demands of imperialism, comprador bourgeoisie and feudal class. Truly speaking, therefore, neither the parliament nor the ministry works for the people; rather they always adopt policies, which serve the interest of MNCs, big comprador bourgeoisie and feudal class. For a fundamental social change in the Indian society, it is therefore important to understand the real character of Indian parliament, which is not bourgeois democratic at all, but an instrument to give the democratic stamp on imperialist plunder and feudal exploitation.]

Stanley Theodore
HYDERABAD, March 12: The global financial meltdown is severely impacting the functioning of political parties across the spectrum and also upsetting the prospects of several aspirants for party tickets.

Andhra Pradesh, estimated by various organisations, spends the most in the country during election time. For instance an Assembly candidate needed to spend at least Rs 25 lakh (US$ 0.05 million) in 2004 just to have his presence felt. Now parties estimate this around Rs 40 lakh (US$ 0.08 million). Further, considering that this is a simultaneous election to the Assembly and Lok Sabha, the expenditure can be better managed if both candidates act in tandem. A Lok Sabha (parliament) candidate needs at least Rs 2 cr (US$ 0.4 million) to show that he is in the race.

“This is the bare minimum amounts. If this much is not spent, voters tend to figure that the candidate is not serious enough to be in the contest. Over and above this Assembly candidates need to spend another Rs 60 lakh (US$ 0.12 milloin) and Parliament candidate another Rs 2 cr (US$ 0.4 million) to keep rolling their campaign machinery like jeeps, cadre, tents, among others,” a party leader said.

Parties began their collections in mid-2008 from various sources. Very few kept their commitment almost immediately. The rest contributed to varying extents and promised to deliver the remaining during election time. This group includes ticket aspirants. Now the liquidity crunch due to the economic recession has left them high and dry.

“Since September 2008 things began to look bleak. And thanks to the Satyam fiasco in January the situation has turned terrible”, a leader who deals with finances said. When asked if contributors or business houses have become tight fisted, he quipped: “Tight fist or loose fist is when there is something in the fist. These days all fists are empty”.

Now aspirants are showing share certificates and land documents to show that they have the financial backing to contest. But parties are not taking them seriously as the stock market is down and so is the real estate market. Even those speaking of "gold reserves" are told to liquidate them and have cash in hand.

Those candidates who traditionally flaunted their NRI funding sources are being ticked off. “One can have a hundred NRIs, friends and relatives. Today how many of them are in a position to transfer $20,000-$25,000? Its neither fair nor practical to take NRIs into account”, a poll fund manager said.

Source: The Statesman 13 March 2009
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=2&theme=&usrsess=1&id=246642

The Masters of Indian Parliamentary Parties

Whose cash are the major political parties banking on this time? A good part of election financing is obviously done with black money, but a close look at formal business funding in the recent past offers enough clues on who's bankrolling whom.

Quite clearly, businessmen have their favourites, but many others tend to back all major parties even-handedly. Else, they offer donations based on the popular votes/seats received by each major party at the last elections.
The Congress' big backers are the Aditya Birla group and the Tatas, while the BJP received substantial funding from the Sterlite group of Anil Agarwal and the Gujarat-based Adanis. The Dhoots of Videocon backed both the major parties and also the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra.
Using the Right to Information Act extensively, DNA obtained the officially declared contribution figures of various political parties between 2003 and 2007. Since disclosures are voluntary, the figures are only indicative, and may also hide more than they reveal. Thus, there is little data on Mayawati's BSP, which did not submit any declaration to the Election Commission.
Missing from the declarations are the contributions of the Ambani brothers. While Mukesh has access to the highest levels in the Congress, Anil Ambani is close to the Samajwadi Party's Amar Singh.
The Congress and the BJP hogged the lion's share of the booty during 2003-07 -- almost identical amounts of Rs 52.42 crore and Rs 52.93 crore. No business house obviously wants to fall foul of the two principal nodes of Indian politics, whether they are in power or on the sidelines.
But given the growth in coalitions, the smaller parties aren't doing too badly either.
Adani contribution of Rs4 crore to BJP underscores proximity to Modi

Small parties, big bucks

Smaller regional parties haven't done too badly either in the queue for formal business funding. The Shiv Sena (Rs 4.17 crore), the SP (Rs 2.45 crore), the TDP (Rs 2.25 crore) and health minister Anbumani Ramadoss' PMK (Rs 2.86 crore) were key beneficiaries during this period.
The Aditya Birla group headed by Kumar Mangalam Birla emerges as the country's biggest donor, having made total donations to the tune of Rs 24.67 crore. The bulk of it went to the Congress party -- Rs 21.71 crore.
The BJP got all of Rs 2.96 crore. The Birla General Electoral Trust made donations only to these two major political parties.
The BJP's political interests, on the other hand, were strongly supported by the Public and Political Awareness Trust based in Silvassa. It received Rs 9.5 crore between 2003 and 2007 from this trust, which, in turn, received most of its funds from the Sterlite group of Anil Agarwal.
In 2000, 51% of public sector unit Balco was sold to the Sterlite group by the then NDA government. Separately, Sterlite Industries donated Rs 1 crore to the Congress and another Rs 50 lakh to the BJP.
The Venugopal Dhoot-led Videocon consumer durables group gave more than Rs 10 crore to three major parties - the BJP, Congress and Shiv Sena. Of this, Rs 4.5 crore went to the Congress and Rs 3.5 crore to BJP. The Sena got a generous Rs 2.63 crore. Not surprising, since Dhoot's brother Raj Kumar is in the Rajya Sabha, courtesy Shiv Sena.
The Tatas are not far behind. They have donated Rs 4.32 crore to the Congress and another Rs 2.67 crore to the BJP. The Shiv Sena got Rs 60.94 lakh and the Telugu Desam (TDP) Rs 48.48 lakh. These donations were made through Electoral Trust, which was set up before the 1999 general elections for encouraging transparent political funding.
The Gujarat-based Adani group, which is into commodities trading, edible oil, infrastructure and private port operations, was the biggest benefactor of the BJP. Gautam Adani's proximity to Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi, often seen using the former's private planes, brought the BJP Rs 4 crore. The Congress got only Rs 20 lakh.
The professionally-managed ITC has scattered its largesse far and wide as it donates money on the basis of the parliamentary representation of each political party. The company gave Rs 1.45 crore to the Congress, Rs 1.38 crore to the BJP, Rs 36 lakh to the Samajwadi Party, Rs 12 lakh to the Shiv Sena, Rs 14.5 lakh to the TDP, Rs 8 lakh to Janata Dal (U) and even Rs 5 lakh to the AIADMK.
Engineering giant Larsen & Toubro has given Rs 1.6 crore to BJP, Rs 1 crore to Congress and another Rs 35 lakh to the Shiv Sena. The Mahindra group has distributed Rs 2.2 crore between the Congress, BJP, Shiv Sena and TDP. The Bajaj group has given Rs 1 crore each to Congress and BJP.
Naveen Jindal, who was elected to the current Lok Sabha on a Congress ticket, has donated a sum of Rs 1 crore to the Congress. Interestingly, he has also donated Rs 75 lakh to his party's main rival, the BJP.
The GMR group, which bagged major contracts for airport development across the country, donated Rs 1 crore to the BJP and Rs 25 lakh to the Congress through GMR Power Corporation and its promoters. Vijay Mallya's Shaw Wallace group, acquired in June, 2005, donated a sum of Rs 1 crore to the BJP in 2004-05.
There are several other notable names in the list. Pharma firm Ranbaxy donated Rs 95 lakh - Rs 65 lakh to the Congress, Rs 25 lakh to BJP and another Rs 5 lakh to TDP. The LM Thapar group donated Rs 70 lakh to the Congress and BJP. The Umesh Modi group gave Rs 50 lakh to the BJP and Rs 25 lakh to the Congress.
Among lesser-known financiers are Akik Education Centre, based in Delhi's Shahdara area at Baldev Park. Akik poured Rs 1.5 crore into the BJP's coffers. There is a three-storey building at the given address but DNA did not find any educational institute. Ahmedabad-based Nima Specific Family Trust gave Rs 1 crore to the BJP and Rs 30 lakh to the Congress.
Real estate groups - often operating at the edge of the law - also found a place among the formal donors to the major parties. The Ambience Group, led by Raj Singh Gehlot, which is into the construction of malls and luxury apartments, donated Rs 1.05 crore to the Congress from its Green Park Extension office. Another builder based in the capital, Somdutt Builders, gave Rs 75 lakh to the BJP.
Punj Lloyd, an engineering, construction and project management firm, doled out Rs 1 crore to the BJP while real estate developer Today House & Infrastructures donated Rs 55 lakh to the Congress.
The Jubilant group, which is into hyper and supermarket development, and real estate association Creda handed over Rs 50 lakh and Rs 47 lakh to BJP. Sanskriti Developers dished out Rs 50 lakh to the Congress and Rs 15 lakh to the Shiv Sena.
Quite clearly, from obscure trusts to famous industrial houses, all of them have contributed to keep the wheels of political parties greased.

Source:http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?newsid=1236392